Discuss how Gender Power Relations are manifested in Different Family Set Up in Africa

Discuss how Gender Power Relations are manifested in Different Family Set Up in Africa

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Background

Understanding gender power relations within the African context remains an intricate affair since it is extremely complex to identify the multiple practices, views and perceptions regarding equality between African men and women in relationships. This is due to the diverse nature of different African family set ups with some still focusing on traditional roles, others attempting to create mutually supportive relationships while others are somewhere in-between (Nyengele, 2003). Nonetheless, a model African family is organized based on gender relationships which stems from patriarchy (Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge, 2011). The paper discusses how gender power relations are manifested in different family set ups in Africa. It provides insights into the dilemmas that African couples face as the individual family practices intersect with societal structures that maintain gendered power. To enhance coherence, it approaches gender relations in light of the patriarch, matriarch, feminine and masculine conceptions.

Basically, it is hypothesized that since males tend to control more resources, they tend to wield greater power and influence since power is directly correlated to access of resources. It is imperative to note that Gender norms expressed within the household are reinforced and reflected in larger institutions of society. Gender power relations are therefore, not only confined to the domestic arena although households constitute a significant institutional site on which gender power relations are made, remade and contested in a range of institutional arenas (Nyengele, 2003). The paper begins by reviewing the theoretical foundations of these gender relations.

Gender Power Relations: Theoretical Foundation

Power within the context of a family refers to the member of the family with the ability to influence others to get their own ways and who are able to block or influence others to go with their decisions (Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge, 2011). As cited by Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge (2011), Cromwell and Olson (1975) classify family power into three areas namely; power bases, power outcomes and power processes. On the same notes, there exists six bases of family power namely; informational, referential, coercive, expert, reward and legitimate power. Legitimate power is the authority that is generally accepted or sanction by a given family’s belief system while informational power is wielded by the person with more income. Referential power, on the other hand, is based on mutual attraction, friendship, likeability and affection within the family while coercive power involves using either physical or psychological force to impose one’s authority within the family. Reward power is that wielded by the family member who is able to influence others by providing psychological benefits to other family members while expert power is based on the education, experience and training on basic family issues at hand (Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge, 2011).

The resource theory presented by Blood and Wolfe (1960) argued that the distribution of power between husbands and wives is based on the resources that each contribute within the family. Key factors to be considered include; resources of income, educational attainment and occupational prestige (Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge, 2011). In the African context however, men tend to become the heads of households by divine right or natural biological processes (Nyengele, 2003). Nonetheless, as more women attain education, the distribution of power within the family is getting more balanced. Generally, gender relations tend to be founded on the basis of a relationship between power and resources (Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge (2011). Multiple variables are considered when defining power within the family context. Conceptually, power depends on the decision making process and associated conflict that serve to include the strategy. The ability to make decision, control conflict and influence strategy characterizes the dominant family member. The more powerful partner within the family is therefore, the one who is able to conceive ideas, make decisions and engage in conflict (Nyengele, 2003).

Gender power relations to within the African Family

Patriarchal Relationships

The acquisition of gender roles is often through the socialization process which ascribes and prescribes gender roles. The socialization process inculcates in individual society members, gender specific behavior patterns, roles and responsibilities expected of them. Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge (2011) contend that, the gender roles in African communities are based on patriarchal system with dominant male authority and power. In the African familial context, this type of relationship is based on male dominated teachings typically found in conservative religion based societies where the male is regarded as unquestionably dominant. Patriarchal relationships are based on and justified by their traditional view which regards women as weaker, less intelligent and therefore entitled to be controlled by the stronger male.

Females are expected to be subservient to males on most matters both within and outside the family. In this kind of relationship while the male experiences many opportunities for independence, there is very little opportunity for the female to experience life as an individual. In patriarchal relationships neither men nor women dare to question this assumption. The Inner patriarch rules so on the surface there appears to be little conflict. Underneath is great pain and suffering and above all a lack of grown-up trust and sharing of power and control as an equal partnership between men and women in a relationship (Wamue-Ngare & Njoroge, 2011).

Boys and girls, therefore, tend to be socialized in ways which makes them ‘conform to the prescribed gender status quo at both the family and community’ (Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge, 2011: P. 10). Based upon this foundation, men tend to take leading roles as the heads of households and the dominant family providers while women tend to be more docile within the public sphere. Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge (2011) therefore summarizes that, the patriarchal ideology, which is dominant in the African family set up bestows absolute power on men hence women are left at their mercy.

Matriarchal Power Relationship

This type of relationship, while theoretically acknowledging the male as the head of the partnership, in practice, places the female in the position where she exercises subtle but powerful forms of control. This results in her having the final say on many significant family issues. Matriarchal relationships tend to regard men as being at best, “little boys” who (when it comes to family matters) need to be guided by stronger women. It is commonly found in many traditional Mediterranean, Eastern European and Jewish societies. Neither male nor females feel much sense of independence or freedom to be themselves as individuals (Blood & Wolfe, 2006). Trust and power is not shared but allocated to different areas some handled by men independently of women’s needs and vice versa.

Within the African family set up, men tend to have a superior status hence they have power over women and control family resources. This is also supported by the society, cultural practices, and the existing laws and policies. Man’s dominant status is therefore, spelt out and legitimized based on the existing tradition, belief systems and morals, (Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge 2011). In majority of African families, the gender stratification system is based on an assertion that women are economically dependent on men. This makes them less powerful within the family since their contributions to family resources is minimal, besides, the power processes within the African family is based on multiple cultural and family related variables, (Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge, 2011).

Nonetheless, women in some societies have the final say on most domestic issues. Although men are considered producers in the family, women are ultimately charged with the responsibility of decision making. On the outlook, Nyengele (2003) indicates that such societies appreciate the dominant role of the male, but on the ground, women play the greatest role. In the upcoming ‘modern’ families, a significant percentage of women play the integral role of economic production. They are the bread winners of their respective families. Regardless of this, they are soft spoken and acknowledge the roles of their husbands as the heads of their families.

Masculinity Power Relations

Masculinity stands for a society in which social gender roles are clearly distinct: Men are supposed to be assertive, tough, and focused on material success; women are supposed to be more modest, tender, and concerned with the quality of life (Sikod, 2007). In African masculine societies, social norms tend to be ego oriented, place great emphasis on money and material things and work is considered fundamental for survival. Economically, men in these masculine societies are considered to be more endowed than their female counterparts. For this reason, the society accords them the best and topmost positions in the job environment as well as the highest returns (Mookodi, 2004).

Generally, majority of families in Africa have masculine system of social structure and practice in which men dominate, exploit and oppress women. The system was initiated by men in position and has been maintained across decades. In the indigenous African families, men dominated all aspects of life socially, economically and politically and tended to make all the decisions even those that affected women. Women therefore, tended to be mere spectators or recipient, besides; the cultural practices which favored men had been institutionalized with time and through socialization. The perception in majority of indigenous African families was that, the man was the absolute head of family, a perception which was critical in maintaining family harmony and peace in community. Males in African societies have authority and power and are generally favored compared to the women.

Exemplifying the case of the Agikuyu community in Kenya, Wamue-Ngare and Njoroge (2011) notes that men owned virtually everything be it land, livestock or other valuable resources Women owned only domestically used resources hence had no economic power. This is reflected over and over in multiple African countries in which women are identified as homemakers and keepers of the family who are responsible for the well-being of their husband and children. Women in the majority of African families therefore, often feel powerless despite their willingness to undertake considerable risk in order to provide for their children. Nyengele (2003) contend that African men had entrenched identities as decision-makers and bread winners even as these roles are undermined and eroded by changing social and economic environments. These socially defined roles of men and women tend to influence, even when unjustified, the distribution of power within the family setting.

In families where men are unemployed or underemployed hence are unable to sufficiently provide, women enter low-income, low-status jobs in order to feed their families, yet men still tend to wield power within the family. In such families, since men are unable to contribute adequately to the family income, men may start feel burdensome; be disoriented, angry and frustrated. Women in families where they are the sole providers tend to have better self respect; confidence and social status hence are able to make decisions within the families. In most African countries, when authority is challenged, men tend to experience stress and exert their right to control women through violence and threats of violence. Besides, in most African societies, violence is acceptable based on the existing social norms and structure. According to Sikod (2007), men in Botswana use brutality and fear to express their power and authority within the Family.

A survey of four African Countries, Swaziland, Uganda, Cameroon and Niger indicated that women were perceived to be inferior to men hence wielded no power within the household and the society as a whole. This created power inequity which is even reflected in both the traditional and modern laws and institutional practices. In nearly all African countries, women’s claim to the right of inheritance is either non-existent or limited besides, since men tend to have a right to throw women out of their marital homes with or without divorce, the threat of divorce has constituted a potent deterrent to women’s’ self-assertion in most African countries. In a correlated study in Kenya, women reported being chased away from their homes without any of their belongings.

Feminine Power Relations

Femininity stands for a society in which social gender roles overlap: Both men and women are supposed to be modest, tender, and concerned with the quality of life (Cromwell & Olson, 1975). In the African family context, this is defined by a flexible family structure in which both boys and girls and considered ‘children’. There is no fighting and failing is considered a minor accident for both male and female. This is apparent in some African countries, particularly those embracing modernism and western values in such as Egypt and South Africa. In these families, all children are taken to good schools and have a chance to share in family inheritance. In the home environment, both men and women perform household chores. Unlike in patriarchy, men in such settings assist their wives to perform important roles that are not solely economic. With respect to family income, both men and women contribute equally to this. According to Nyengele (2003), such families are seemingly few but trends indicate that a significant percentage of urban elites are embracing this.

Summary

The introduction of formal education, formal employment and the monetary system is progressively changing the gender power relations within multiple African families. There has been a shift in the perception that men wield all the power within the family although the increased dominance is dependent on the economic positions of women. Besides in most African societies, men’s roles which is directly linked to income earning potential is changing. Nonetheless, the unequal gender power relations have impacted on the state of affairs in various aspects such as women’s education, control of sexuality, health and cultural expression across many societies in Africa.

Conclusively, there exists a state of unbalanced power relationships in African families since male members of the family tend to assume positions of privilege in societies. The manifestation of gendered power impacts variant African families differently. The unbalanced relation makes it difficult for women to obtain authority and resources needed to be more dominant. It is evident that in the African context the woman has historically accommodated a man’s greater power in the family because of her perception that he was the head of the family. Although changing, the ultimate decision making power in most African families still remains with the male. According to Sikod (2007), majority of African male have struggled to maintain male domination in the family and society.

References

Blood, R. O., and Wolfe, D. M. (1960). Husbands and Wives: The Dynamics of Married

Living. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.

Cromwell, R., and Olson, D., eds. (1975). Power in Families. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Mookodi, G. (2004). Male Violence against Women in Botswana: A Discussion of Gendered

Uncertainties in a Rapidly Changing Environment. African Sociological Review, 8(1): 118-138,

Nyengele, M. F. (2003). African Women’s Theology, Gender Relations, and Family Systems

Theory: Pastoral Theological Considerations and Guidelines for Care and Counseling. New York: Peter Lang.

Sikod, F. (2007). Gender Division of Labor and Women’s Decision-Making Power in Rural

Households in Cameroon. African Development, 32(3): 58-71.

Wamue-Ngare, G. and Njoroge, W. N. (2011). Gender Paradigm Shift within the Family

Structure in Kiambu Kenya. African Journal of Social Sciences, 1(3): 10-20.